Ch. 7: The year of the Melbourne Eucharistic Congress: 1934

The announcement that Melbourne was to hold a National Eucharistic Congress was made by Archbishop Mannix at the C.Y.M.S. Annual Communion Breakfast on 29 October 1933. It was to take place in December 1934, and was to be the Catholic contribution to Melbourne’s Centenary celebrations. Its theme was to be the ‘Catholic Action’, hitherto a little-known term in Australia. Memories of the spectacular success of Sydney’s 1928 Intemational Eucharistic Congress ensured widespread popular enthusiasm; and the Catholic Young Man was confident that the Melbourne Congress would ‘give expression to the highest ideals and sentiments of a people anxious to express its gratitude to God for a century of prosperity and national progress’.1

The Newman Society of Victoria responded to the announcement of the Congress by deciding to run simultaneously a Convention of Catholic University bodies of the Commonwealth, to consider the matter of Catholic Action. The Campion Society, which had four of its leading members on the Newman Committee,1 doubtlessly had some part in this decision. However, when early enquiries revealed ‘the moribund State of numerous University Societies’, it was decided to enlarge the Convention to include ‘intellectual Societies in other States which…

were performing much of the work which might be considered the task of University Societies’.3

The new publicity given to the term ‘Catholic Action’ ensured that within Victoria the expertise of the Campion Society would be in heavy demand. Furthermore, other factors were contributing to the expansion of the Society’s influence, not least of which was the rise to prominence on the Advocate and the Catholic Hour of Denys Jackson.

As a result of his success in the Newman Society essay competition, Jackson had made his debut with the Advocate on 10 August 1933. He signified his elitist social views by using the nom-de-plume ‘Sulla’, the name of the Roman dictator and leader of the Aristocratic party of the first century before Christ. His section was initially sponsored by the Newman Society, but after fourteen months the Newman heading was dropped.

An outline of Jackson’s social perspective was presented to Advocate readers in his first ‘Sulla’ article, ‘Reflections on Christianity in the New Age: Crisis in the West’. Concise, knowledgeable and well-written. It consisted of a Belloc/Wust-style analysis of the broad cultural and intellectual currents operating in Western civilisation since the fall of the Roman Empire. It concluded with a typically Campion flourish:

Catholicism, with the forces allied to it, which stand for the traditional culture of Europe, must regain their control of the world of thought, upon which that of action depends. If we fail to do this we perish…

Although Jackson had certainly influenced the Campion Society more than he had been influenced by it, his ‘Sulla’ writings reflected the major preoccupations and attitudes of the Society. His second article was on ‘Christian Culture and Catholic Action’; and his third on ‘The New Slavery’ – an attack on totalitarianism. On 12 October 1933 he began a series of seven articles on Italian Fascism and German Nazism. Writing in a scholarly style, he showed his approval for some aspects of the systems: for the restriction of individualism; the halting of class warfare; the ‘Corporate State’ structuring of Fascist Italy. However, he strongly denounced the paganism and racism of the Nazis, and the extreme nationalism of both regimes. In his final essay, ‘Catholicism and the Fascist Spirit’, he concluded that

Until Fascism can temper its self-love by a love of mankind, the Christian and the humanist can only regard it with invincible distrust.4

In Jackson, the Advocate had obtained a first-rate writer with an exceptional knowledge of European history and politics. So much had the paper’s insularity of the pre-Depression era broken down that in return for this expertise, and for Jackson’s elegance of style and precision of thought, it was prepared to tolerate his basic political standpoint, which, by Australian standards, was highly unconventional. He was a romantic conservative, a Royalist, a believer in strong monarchy as a means of overcoming party-political factionalism. Building on an idealisation of the Stuart age,5 and drawing on Belloc’s The House of Commons and Monarchy; Charles Maurass’ newspaper (’Action Francaise; and the examples of Mussolini, Roosevelt and Dollfuss, he had developed an up-dated Christian Monarchism as his personal political philosophy. This, together with modern Catholic social thought, formed the basis of his social outlook.

At the end of 1933 the Advocate’s usual leader-writer, P. I. O’Leary, was forced to take extended leave for health reason’s; and his job was offered to Jackson by the editor, Father Moynihan.4 It was thus that this idealistic English Tory was thrust into a key position of influence among the traditionally pragmatic, Labour-orientated Catholic people of Victoria.

Jackson’s first editorial, on 4 January 1934, gave readers a foretaste of the highly individualistic line which he was to follow over the succeeding twelve months. Headed ‘An Expensive Luxury’, it criticised the pomp surrounding the Governor Generalship and the British Crown, denouncing it as the hollow symbolism of a sham monarchy, of a kingship without power or real purpose. Alluding to the views of Belloc, and to ancient Christian ideals of Monarchy, Jackson called on the British to abandon this charade, and to restore the public person in government, as Italy has done, for example, and then let them surround a real Chief of men with all the dignity most fitting for his high office.

Most of Jackson’s leader-articles were fairly conventional, although they reflected a developed Christian social idealism which had not previously been evident in the Advocate. He frequently denounced Capitalism;7 he called for the introduction of a ‘family wage’ in place of, or in addition to, the ‘basic wage’;* and he propounded the Bellocian ‘Distributist’ ideal of a greater sharing of property-ownership within the community? However, his peculiarly individual views were also given a frequent airing. The most notable of these were his ‘Christian Monarchism’ and his advocacy of the ‘Corporate State’, two ideals which he presented as the basis of an alternative political order to liberal democracy. His ‘Christian Monarchic Corporativism’ was transformed from a preference into an enthusiasm when in April 1934 the Austrian Chancellor/dictator, Engelbert Dollfuss, announced that he was going to construct the first Christian Corporative State.

Corporativism involved the organisation of a nation’s citizens into collectives, or Corporations, based on trades and occupations, with these bodies becoming the basic units of economic and political life. The Corporations were intended to replace both trade unions and employers’ associations, and further, they were to constitute monolithic political voting blocks, thus annulling the one-man-one-vote principle which held sway in the liberal democracies. Corporativism represented essentially an extension of the medieval Guild (in Europe, Corporation) system into the political arena; and it was this affinity which gained it a considerable following among Catholic social thinkers from the early years of this century. It was regarded by its proponents as a more ‘natural’ way of ordering society than other systems favoured by modern political theorists.”

Mussolini had established a clumsy Corporative system in Italy as a means, according to Mack Smith, both to preserve a show of mass involvement in his government, and ‘to keep a tight hold on the workers in straitly centralized unions’.11 Dollfuss, the Christian Democrat Chancellor of Austria, had adopted the system from his neighbour, primarily in order to alter the national voting structure in his own favour, and thus to help stave off serious threats to his rule from two opposing extremes, the Nazi right and the Socialist left. He maintained that his new Order would be a Christian one, based as far as possible on Quadragesimo Anno and Catholic social principles.12 However, he was not to be given the chance to try out his ideals in practice, being assassinated in July 1934 during an unsuccessful Nazi coup attempt.

Denys Jackson, a romantic rather than a political realist, took at its face value Dollfuss’ rationalisation of his new Order, and proclaimed exuberantly that ‘The world is to see the first fully Catholic Corporative State…

It is conformed to nature: it avoids alike the evils of the class-struggle and of Statedespotism, while providing a remedy for the anarchy at present reigning in the industrial world.”

During the remainder of 1934 he constantly promoted the ideal of Corporativism 14 and he was to return to it at lesser intervals in subsequent years.

Supplementing Jackson’s editorials was his ‘Sulla’ section, which during 1934 was concerned partly with historical topics, mostly with European current affairs. In content it tended to be more informative, less visionary than his leader-articles. Its most constant preoccupation was with Germany, where the consolidating grip of the ‘barbaric, Nordic paganism’ of the Nazis filled Jackson with dread.15 Only at the end of the year was any attention given to Communism, with a series of four articles on ‘The Wooden Horse: The New Policy of Soviet Russia’ being given to an exposfi of the new ‘Popular Front’ tactics of the Communists.’4

Jackson’s rise in the Catholic media came at a time when his influence within the Campion Society was no longer a major one. It had been the romanticism of Jackson and Quaine which had initially sparked the Society into being, but now the main drive came from elsewhere. Quaine, also a Royalist and a reader of l’Action Francaise, had been Jackson’s nearest fellow-spirit, but he was more in his element on the campus than in the Campion, and had gradually drifted away from the Society.” In April of 1934 he won the Mollison Scholarship and subsequently departed for France, where he settled permanently. The Campion Society was now dominated by the activists, chief amongst whom was Kevin Kelly.

Kelly had been notable for his energy and initiative ever since he had joined the Campion. Many of the 1932 recruits had come from among his friends and acquaintances;” and he had established himself as one of the most capable speakers among the members. However, the event which signalled his emergence as the foremost activist in the Society was his foundation in November 1933 of the Melbourne Catholic Evidence Guild.

In August of 1933 Kelly had visited Sydney, taking with him a letter of introduction to Peter Gallagher, Master of the Catholic Speakers, from Brother Jerome, Principal of De La Salle College, Malvern. Kelly had spoken from the Catholic Evidence pitch at the Domain, and upon returning to Melbourne had determined to launch a similar venture there.” He wanted the Campion Society to assume this added form of activity; and at the Quarterly Meeting of 4 October he conducted ‘a spirited attack upon the Council’, in which he ‘accused it of inertia, and of failing to plan necessary active works for the Society’.” However, on 10 October the Council decided against his proposals, ruling ‘that actively and as a body, the Society cannot, at this stage, engage in work amongst non-Catholics’.”

Not to be deterred, Kelly and his friend Brian Harkin decided to found a Melbourne Catholic Evidence Guild independently of the Campion. Early in November Kelly had a long conversation with Archbishop Mannix at ‘Raheen’, at which he obtained permission to launch a Guild on a provisional basis.22 A Catholic stand appeared on Melbourne’s Yarra Bank for the first time on the afternoon of Sunday 12 November 1933, and at regular intervals after that, competing with Communist, Evangelical and other pitches for the attention of the large crowds of curious or sceptical spectators.

In April of 1934 Frank Murphy joined the original pair, and shortly afterwards Dr. Mannix instructed them to prepare a Constitution so that the Guild could be formally established. An inaugural meeting was held on the evening of Wednesday 8 August 1934. The Archbishop appointed Fathers James Murtagh, James Cleary and Bernard O’Connor, all ex- members of the Conversion of Australia Movement at Corpus Christi College, as General Clerical Assistants; and Dr. Bernard Stewart (later Bishop of Sandhurst) as Clerical Secretary. Stewart was the son of a prominent Catholic journalist of the Austral Light era, and had graduated in Law from Melbourne University before leaving for Rome to study for the priesthood. Kevin Kelly became Master of the Guild, Frank Murphy the General Secretary, and Brian Harkin the Treasurer.13

The Evidence Guild soon attracted a small number of active supporters; however, none of these was either in the Campion or at the University. When Kevin Kelly retired as Master in March 1936, and Brian Harkin moved from Melbourne shortly afterwards,2* Murphy remained the only Campion member associated with the Guild. It seems that the work of speaking regularly on basic apologetics to critical non-Catholic audiences held little appeal for the Campions, when more glory with less effort could be obtained by addressing receptive gatherings of C.Y.M.S. men, or by writing for Catholic publications.15 Nevertheless, the Guild bore the singular distinction of being the first independent offshoot of Campion enthusiasm.

The foundation of the Evidence Guild marked the beginning of a period of unprecedented expansion for the Campion. The Eucharistic Congress year also saw the extension of the Society into the Victorian country areas; the founding of the Sydney Campion; the formation of the joint study-groups within the C.Y.M.S.; the utilisation of the Catholic Young Man; and Jackson’s first round as leader-writer for the Advocate – all matters with which we have already dealt.

However, the theme of the Congress was to be Catholic Action, and although the Society knew in the abstract what the term implied, it had only vague notions as to how the theory could be put into practice. Since Catholic Action was supposed to give rise to mass movements, co-ordinated at national and international levels, it was obvious that more was involved than small bodies of Catholic intellectuals giving lectures and writing articles.

The responsibility for filling this large gap in the Society’s knowledge was assumed by Kevin Kelly, who by 1934 was corresponding with the main Franco-Belgian Catholic Action movement, the ‘Jocists’. The person indirectly responsible for the establishment of this link was Father Hackett, who late in 1932 had asked Kelly to write an article on the Australian Labor Party, with particular reference to its Socialization Objective, for the French Jesuit publication. Dossiers de I’Action Populaire. Kelly had done so. and as payment he had received some months later a parcel of French Catholic books and reviews. From information contained therein he was able to establish contact with the Jocists, and eventually to open a correspondence with one of their Belgian leaders, M. Fabbe Robert Kothen.14

The first indication that the Campion Society had begun to give serious attention to the mechanics of Catholic Action came in April 1934, when, at Father Hackett’s suggestion, the members of the First Central Group agreed each to make a special study of the workings of the movement in one overseas country. The survey was to cover Italy, France, Belgium Spain, Austria, Poland, Holland, England, Ireland, Scotland, the United States, Canada, and Argentina.27 In July the Jocist influence made its first definite appearance, when Kevin Kelly delivered a paper at the Annual General Meeting on ‘the penetration of the milieu’ (‘la penetration du milieu’), the catch-phrase used by the Jocists to denote their strategy for permeating modem society with a Christian influence. At the same meeting Father Hackett gave ‘a stirring address on the necessity of Catholic Action’.’’

While this field of study was attracting the detailed attention of members for the first time, and while the major new areas of activity already mentioned were being opened up, the Society was consolidating its influence within the Melbourne metropolitan area. This was apparent at the University, at Corpus Christi College, in the schools, and on Catholic Radio, in all of which spheres the Campion was working to noticeable effect.

With regard to the University, early in 1934 a Campion Sub-Committee was appointed to organise a second series of Newman lunch-hour lectures. In the months from April to August Father H. B. Loughnan, S.J., Dean of Newman College, spoke on Scholasticism;29 Kevin Kelly on ‘The Catholic Reaction in Literature’;30 Dr. James Hannan on ‘The Divinity of Christ’; Denys Jackson on ‘The Church and War’;” Frank Maher on ‘Europe and the Faith’;32 and Bob Santamaria on Communism.33 Other talks were given by Frank McMahon and John Merlo.34

The Society’s efforts to gain support among the younger clergy continued to meet with success. During the first half of the year Denys Jackson and Kevin Kelly were able to visit Corpus Christi College and address the ‘Social Group’ there.3’ In October, furthermore, some members of the Conversion of Australia Movement at the College arranged to keep in touch with the Society; and one of them, Bernard Murphy, informed Gerard Heffey that, as best he could judge, ‘the students here are very pro-Campion’.34

Among the younger Franciscan Friars two notable allies emerged in Fathers Philip Murphy and Sylvester O’Brien. The support of the Franciscans was particularly welcome as, being a specialised preaching Order, they travelled widely giving Retreats, and thus exerted an influence well in excess of their numbers. In April, Denys Jackson attempted, unsuccessfully, to form a unit of the ‘Third Order of St. Francis’, a kind of lay Franciscan Order, within the Society;37 and in July the Annual Campion Retreat was held at ‘La Verna’, the Franciscan Retreat House in Kew.30

Propaganda work was also maintained among the Catholic boys’ secondary schools. At the Quarterly Meeting of 24 January 1934 Maher stressed the importance of this field of operations, advising the Society to ‘keep closely in touch with the schools and extend our activities in that direction’.39 In June Denys Jackson and John Heffey, the younger brother of Gerard, addressed the senior boys of St. Kevin’s College on Catholic Action;40 and two months later Jackson returned and spoke for nearly an hour on the same subject.4’

Throughout the year the voice of the Campion continued to be heard over the Catholic Hour on Radio Station 3AW. Denys Jackson had his weekly segment as ‘the Onlooker’, and the Society supplied other speakers when requested. At the Annual General Meeting in July, in reference to this field of activity, Maher recommended that members ‘seize upon every possible opportunity to become versed in the art of public speaking’.42

By July the metropolitan membership of the Campion had grown to seventy, and the central

groups had increased in number to five.43 As the Eucharistic Congress drew nearer, the members could reflect with satisfaction on the Society’s all-round strength and prestige, and look ahead with confidence to the major role which it was bound to play in the Newman Convention of Catholic University bodies.

Meanwhile, the Newman Society was busy in organising this important event.

Early in 1934 the Newman, having made the decision to call a national Catholic Action Convention, had appointed a Convention Committee to make all the detailed arrangements. The bulk of the work fell on the shoulders of the Committee’s Secretary, Kevin Anderson, a part-time Law student. On 7 March he began sending letters to all known Catholic university and semi-university societies, advising them of the Convention. He explained that ‘little has been done to organise the Catholic laity of Australia along the lines of what we generally refer to as Catholic Action’; and further, that the Newman believed that it was ‘from the ranks of the graduates and undergraduates of our Universities that the leaders and planners of Catholic Action should be sought’.44 The Convention, it was hoped, would help to produce this leadership.

Eventually some fourteen societies agreed to send delegates. They were: from Victoria, the Newman Society, the Campion Society (Melbourne), the Ballarat Campion Society (for Church juridical reasons a separate body), and the Catholic Evidence Guild; from New South Wales, the Sydney Newman Society, the Sydney University Catholic Women’s Society, the Catholic Speakers, and the Association of Catholic Action: from Queensland, the Leonian Society and the Christian Brothers’ Old Boys’ Association: from South Australia, the Aquinas Society and the Catholic Guild for Social Studies; from Western Australia (tentatively) and Tasmania, their respective Newman Societies.45

The various organisations sent to Anderson copies of their constitutions, and brief reports on their histories and activities. From these a list was drawn up of topics and proposals for consideration by the Convention. As it turned out, the bulk of the items on the final agenda were taken from the reports of only two of the societies, the Melbourne Campion Society and the South Australian Catholic Guild for Social Studies. Among the topics included were: the use of broadcasting for Catholic Action; adult education courses; central Catholic libraries; catechetical work; the promotion of lecture tours ‘by eminent Catholic authors and publicists’; the establishment of vocationally-based Catholic Action groups; and ‘the possibility of forming Catholic Land Settlements in Australia’.44

Archbishop Mannix, for his part, decided to utilise the occasion ‘of so many Bishops being in Melbourne for the Eucharistic Congress’ to hold meeting of the Australian Hierarchy ‘to discuss Catholic Action’.47

Finally the Congress date arrived, and for eight days, from Sunday 2 December to Sunday 9 December, the people of Victoria witnessed a spectacular display of Catholic solidarity and pageantry. On the evening of 6 December over 150,000 men assembled in the Showgrounds for Men’s Night, and two days later the figure was 130,000 for Women’s Day. On the final Sunday 500,000 Catholics took part in the great closing procession, which concluded with a General Benediction. Father C. C. Martindale, S.J., again travelled from England to give the people of Australia the benefit of his renowned sermons. Church dignitaries from overseas, and Bishops, priests and laymen from all parts of Australia, participated in the huge celebration.4* The total impact of the week’s events delighted all concerned, with the Catholic Young Man seeing the whole as ‘a fitting climax to the past years of Catholic effort and a proud demonstration of the vitality and energy of the Faith in our own day’.4’

However, with respect to its stated theme, ‘Catholic Action’, the effect of the Congress was unclear. Of the eleven major addresses, only two dealt with Catholic Action, and these showed elementary misunderstandings of what the term implied. Both Archbishop Duhig of Brisbane, speaking on ‘Catholic Action for Women’, and Bishop Barry of Goulbum, on ‘Catholic Action for Men’, interpreted Catholic Action in traditional pastoral terms, not in modem apostolic ones. They preached that it involved simply greater lay participation in the kinds of devotional and charitable activities which were already flourishing in the Australian Church.50 Thus however much popular zeal for Catholic Action was stimulated by the Congress, it remained a zeal without a basis in real understanding.

In the context of the general ignorance of Catholic Action displayed at the Congress, the Newman Society Convention of Catholic University bodies assumed an added importance. It was held over four days, from Tuesday 4 to Friday 7 December. At its official opening on the Wednesday, Bishop Brodie of Christchurch, New Zealand declared that ‘He regarded the movement which the Convention was initiating as the most important movement during the whole Congress’. Dr. Mannix was similarly encouraging. reminding the delegates of the significance which he attached to their efforts.

You are the leaders of the people. What the people see in you will be for them an example, and if you fall short of the example which the Pope has set, then the vast body of people below you, as it were, is likely to fall still further short.51

Society Reports were read, sub-committees appointed, and their recommendations discussed. The two most important papers were delivered on the Wednesday, with Kevin Kelly speaking oil ‘The Theory of Catholic Action’, and Paul McGuire from Adelaide on ‘The Future of Catholic Action in Australia’. On the final day of the Convention ‘a plan was drawn up by which the various bodies could keep in touch and co-ordinate their work’.52 The Convention was regarded as being an outstanding success, with Paul McGuire later writing that it ‘far exceeded’ his expectations of it.53

On Monday 10 December, the day after the Congress had ended, a full meeting of the Australian Hierarchy was held at the Cathedral presbytery.

Among other things, it was decided to establish an Episcopal Sub-Committee ‘for the purpose of evolving practical plans for Catholic Action’. Dr. Mannix waS appointed President of the Sub-Committee, with the other members being Archbishop Killian (Adelaide), Bishop Hayes (Rockhampton, Old.), Bishop Dwyer (Wagga Wagga, N.S.W.), and Bishop Barry (Goulburn, N.S.W.).54 The Committee was Victorian-orientated: Dr. John Barry had been Archbishop Mannix’s Administrator before being given the See of Goulburn in 1924; and Romuald Hayes, prior to being made a Bishop in 1932, had been a priest of the Sandhurst diocese. The Committee in fact proved ineffective, and did nothing worthy of note. However, it was the precursor of another Episcopal Sub-Committee which three years later was to herald in the official Australian Catholic Action movement.

The Melbourne Eucharistic Congress marked the end of the initial phase in the development of Catholic actionism in Australia. During the preceding five tumultuous years there had appeared in different parts of the country a new consciousness of the social and cultural implications of Catholic belief, and the Congress signified the acceptance of this new outlook by the leaders of the Australian Church. The following two years were to be a kind of incubation period, a time of quiet but steady growth for the Catholic actionist movement, before overseas events were to trigger a new surge of Catholic popular militancy.

For the Victorian Campion Society the Congress represented a fitting culmination to four years of vigorous development. The Campion typified more than any other body the new kind of Catholic intellectuality which the Newman Convention had so enthusiastically endorsed. Furthermore, and thanks to the Convention, the Society’s influence was now being felt not merely in Victoria, but throughout Australia. Frank Maher could justly boast that, with the conclusion of the Eucharistic Congress, there was ‘scarcely a Catholic interested in his religion who has not heard of the Campion Society’.55

NOTES

1 Catholic Young Man, February 1934, editorial, M.A.A.

2 They were Murray McInerney, Gerard Heffey, Frank Misell, and Reginald Hoban (Adv. 4 May 1933, p. 11). Misell was Newman Secretary.

3 Convention Committee Report, 21 November 1934, Newman Convention box, MAA.

4 Adv. 30 November 1933, p. 8.

5 See D. G. M. Jackson, ‘A Royalist’s Pilgrimage’, an autobiographical sketch, Adv. 4 May 1934, p. 4.

4 Interview with Mr. D. G. M. Jackson, May 1967.

7 See Adv. editorials of 26 July, 23 August, 6 September 1934.

8 Ibid., editorials of 8 March, 12 April 1934.

9 Ibid., 29 March 1934, editorial.

10 For a good concise coverage of the subject, see R. Ares, ‘Corporativism’, in the New Catholic Encyclopedia (U.S.A., 1967).

11 Denis Mack Smith, Italy: A Modern History (University of Michigan Press, 1959), p. 395.

12 Adv. 24 May 1934, editorial.

13 Ibid.

14 Adv. 12 July 1934, editorial; 23 August, p. 15; 20 September, editorial and ‘Sulla’; 4 October, editorial; 27 December, p. 6.

15 Adv. 27th December 1934, editorial; cf. editorials of 8 March, 10 May, 12 July; ‘Sulla’ of 15 February, 26 April, 5 July, 11 October, 18 October.

16 Adv., ‘Sulla’ of 15, 22, 29 November, 27 December 1934.

17 His name does not figure in Campion documents after 1932, although he remained prominent in University debating, and certainly continued to associate in Campion circles. Two articles by Quaine on ‘Prince Sixto of Bourbon’ replaced ‘Sulla’ in the Newman Society section of the Advocate of 14 and 21 June 1934.

18 See Maher, ‘Campion Beginnings’, Orders of the Day, June 1939, H/B.

19 Brief history (Kelly’s handwriting) of C.E.G., at front of C.E.G. minute-book, 26 June 1934-8 March 1943, M.A.A.

20 Minutes, Q.M., 4 October 1933, Campion Council minute-book.

21 Council minutes, 10 October 1933, H/B.

22 Council meeting, 8 November 1933, H/B.

23 Information from C.E.G. minute-book, MA.A.

24 Ibid.

25 For a caustic comment by a C.E.G. activist on this situation, see letter by A. Wilson Arfr. 16 March 1939, p. 8.

26 Interviews with Mr. K. T. Kelly, 1967. The article was published 10 April 1933.

27 First Central Group minutes, 11 April 1934, H/B.

28 Minutes, A.G.M., 25 July 1934, Council minute-book, H/B.

29 Farrago 26 April 1934.

30 Council minutes, 20 June 1934, H/B.

31 Council minutes, 25 May 1934; Farrago 4 July 1934.

32 Council minutes, 10 July 1934; Farrago 11 July 1934.

33 Council minutes, 9 August 1934.

34 Campion Annual Report, 25 July 1934, H/B.

35 Ibid.

36 Bernard F. Murphy to Heffey, 22 October 1934, H/B.

37 Council minutes, 18 April, 6 May 1934, H/B.

38 Campion Annual Report, 25 July 1934, H/B.

39 President’s Address, Q.M., 24 January 1934, H/B.

40 Council minutes, 20 June 1934, H/B. John Heffey was at the time a student at the College.

41 First Central Group minutes, 29 August 1934, H/B.

42 Campion Annual Report, 25 July 1934, H/B.

43 Ibid.

44 Copy of letter to respective societies* secretaries, 7 March 1934, Newman Convention box, M.A.A.

45 See reports and correspondence, Newman Convention box, M.A.A.

46 Draft agenda, Newman Convention box, M.A.A.

47 Adv. 13 December 1934, p. 42.

48 See The National Eucharistic Congress, Advocate Press, Melbourne, 1936, passim.

49 Catholic Young Man, December 1934, editorial, M.A.A.

50 The National Eucharistic Congress, pp. 128-136.

51 Adv. 13 December 1934, pp. 48-9.

52 Council’s Report, Q.M., c. November 1935, H/B. It is doubtful that this scheme was put into effect, or that systematic contact was maintained between the various societies.

53 McGuire to Anderson, 12 December 1934, Newman Convention box, M.A.A.

54 Adv. 13 December 1934, H/B.

55 Council’s Report, Q.M., 6 March 1935, H/B.